The Mekong Pirates

The recent murder of 13 Chinese sailors on South-East Asia’s Mekong river triggered unprecedented joint international naval patrols by China, Laos, Myanmar and Thailand to provide security along parts of the estimated 4900 Km long river.

After crossing the Tibetan plateau and leaving China’s Yunnan Province, the Mekong flows southwest and forms the border between Myanmar and Laos for about 100 kilometers. It then turns southeast to form briefly the border of Laos with Thailand, then flows east and south into Laos for some 400 kilometers and defines the Laos-Thailand border again for some 850 kilometers as it flows east. It then reaches Cambodia, providing significantly for the country’s fishing and rice farming economy. Finally the Mekong empties into the South China Sea and upon entering Vietnam, subdivides into the Mekong Delta. The Mekong flows at the hearth of the so-called “Golden Triangle”, an area overlapping the mountains of Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand which has long since been one of the most extensive opium and heroin-producing areas of Asia and of the world. More recently, the drug production and trade has shifted to methamphetamines.

According to initial reports, the sailors were attacked in October when sailing aboard two ships in the Golden Triangle area. Some of the sailors had been found in the river with their hands tied behind their backs, some were blindfolded and some had been shot. The ships were recovered by Thai river police after a gunfight. Some 900,000 methamphetamine tablets worth more than $3m were found aboard, hence drug smugglers were initially suspected of the attack. In response, China suspended all shipping activities on the Mekong and urged Thai authorities to arrest those responsible. Later reports suggest the involvement of 9 Thai soldiers attached to an anti-drug task force who surrendered shortly after the attack and are now facing prosecution.

While the motives of the attack appear closely linked with drug trafficking, the economic and political interests of the Mekong’s numerous riparian States give an international dimension to the incident. Seasonal variations in water flow and the presence of waterfalls have historically made navigation of the river difficult, thus dividing, rather than uniting, the people of the Mekong. In 1995, following the UN mediation, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam established the Mekong River Commission to assist in the management and coordinated use of the Mekong’s resources. In 1996, China and Myanmar became “dialogue partners” of the Commission and the six countries now work together within a cooperative framework. Recently, each of these countries have been notoriously engaged in lengthy discussions regarding a Chinese-sponsored hydroelectric dam construction project – currently suspended – and its overall impact on the region.

The patrols mark a significant shift in China’s long standing policy of non interference in other States internal affairs. The patrols are said to be the first instance of Chinese police being deployed outside their territory without a UN mandate. It is thus not surprising that China is taking a leading role in the operations. The patrols are headquartered in China with stations in each of the other countries. At a meeting in Beijing, ministers from all four countries agreed on the new measures. China contributed with the deployment of 200 police officers and 11 ships. The plan also involves police departments in the four countries setting up a coordination team to explore further security measures. Finally, China will also help train and equip police in Laos and Myanmar for the patrols.

It is problematic to fully assess the legal framework in which the patrols could be deemed to operate as well as their relation with anti-piracy and armed robbery efforts. Interestingly, a cursory review of the history of piracy reveals limited reported instances of so called “river piracy”, mainly consisting of fluvial criminal activities in the 18th century within the USA. However, lacking its most fundamental element, namely the occurrence of the attack in the high seas, the Mekong incident squarely falls outside the relevant provisions of the Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) relevant to piracy. Yet again, there appears to be a situation where the current applicable specialized international legal framework is not directly applicable to contemporary criminal activities or is capable to address their underlying root causes and overall impact, particularly in areas of flourishing economic development. States (including signatories to UNCLOS) are free to adopt broader definitions of piracy applicable to internal waters. However, the current trend is to legislate the definition in Article 101 of UNCLOS. Armed robbery at sea pertains to piratical acts within the territorial sea, but criminal acts within internal waters (even if such waters have an international character) remain unaddressed. The most important upshot to the situation at hand is that the principles which could resolve competing claims of police and judicial jurisdiction over criminal activity along the Mekong are not codified.

Recourse to the current, yet scarce and developing, legal framework attaching to international rivers might therefore provide for more focused analysis. Rivers are ordinarily considered as part of a country’s internal waters. However, rivers are also often used to demarcate borders. More importantly, lengthy rivers could cross several countries, reflecting a wide range of political, geographic, economic and cultural circumstances. The Mekong, the world’s 10th longest, is one such international river. These are also referred to as shared or transboundary rivers, as well as international watercourses.

Riparian states, namely states through which a transboundary river flows or form part of its borders, developed riparian rights and obligations normally confined over the use of the river for livelihood or sustainability purposes. Riparian States traditionally resorted to specific watercourse agreements or treaties to regulate the use of a shared river. Much of these rights and obligations are defined by the UN Convention of Non-Navigational Use of International Watercourses, which has yet to enter into force. Among its key guiding principles, contained in Articles 5 and 7, are the “equitable and reasonable utilization” and the obligation “not to cause significant harm” to other riparian states.

Literature on sharing international rivers define these as both catalyst for cooperation or conflict but also points to several important benefits from a structured cooperation among riparian states, including environmental, direct economic, political, and indirect economic benefits. Instances of state cooperation, however, seldom refer directly to issues relevant to the security of the watercourses, with the exception of risks deriving from pollution or excessive exploitation. Notably, Articles 7 and 8 of the UN Watercourses Convention requires States to “take all appropriate measures” to prevent or mitigate significant harm to other States as well as a general obligation to cooperate among riparian states.

Control of international rivers is inextricably linked with economic opportunity, national security, society and culture. It is within this general framework that the agreed cooperation over patrolling the Mekong and ensuring the safety of its navigation, in essence an international basin or watercourse agreement, should be seen. Such cooperation could cut individual States security costs and further their overall benefits from the use of the river, addressing issues of policing, extradition and prosecution as well as solidifying channels of communication between riparian states to address a potentially volatile situation. In other words, better security over the river will promote unity and integration among the riparian States and more possibility for each of them to manage the development and use of the river.

Piracy in Somalia is Decreasing, says IMO

At the end of a year focused on a wide-ranging anti-piracy campaign, the International Maritime Organization (IMO) cautiously announced a decrease in piracy and other related attacks in Somalia:

“Recently compiled statistics show that the number of ships and seafarers held captive by Somali pirates have reduced from a peak of 33 and 733 in February to 13 and 265 respectively, at the beginning of December. The number of reported attacks has also declined from a high of 45 per month in January 2011 to 14 for the month of November 2011; and the proportion of successful attacks has been cut from 20 per cent in January 2011 to just 7 per cent in November 2011.”

Further up to date figures are also available from the International Maritime Bureau piracy reporting centre.

During 2011, the IMO engaged at various levels to bring about a solution to piracy and related crimes, particularly concerning the protection of both ships and seafarers as well as the enhancement and enforcement of maritime law. Most notably, the IMO dedicated this year world maritime day to the theme of “Piracy: Orchestrating the Response” and launched a campaign directed at improving coordination among States, the private sector, international and non-governmental organizations to tackle piracy.

 The changing nature of modern day piracy and other forms of armed robbery at sea, its increasing links with other forms of organized crimes, the deeply rooted social causes at their basis as well as their impressive economic impact have given a new dimension to the phenomenon. We have referred to this as transmaritime criminality.

While the falling of piracy related numbers in the Somalian hotspot is certainly a welcome news, the IMO understandably warned of the risk of becoming complacent with these positive results. Success in combating piracy remains contingent on the local situation on the ground which, in the case of Somalia, remains unstable. Current signs of criminal activities, particularly the risk of these spreading into West Africa, call for a continuing engagement with the process stakeholders. This should also be aimed at developing a comprehensive and holistic approach towards all facets and root-causes of transmaritime criminality.

Following Security Council Debate, UN Deploys Assessment Mission to West Africa

As anticipated in previous posts, the UN recently deployed an assessment mission in West Africa. The mission, composed of representatives of several UN Offices and Agencies, has been tasked with examining the scope of the threat of piracy in the region as well as local capacities in ensuring maritime safety and security in the Gulf of Guinea. In addition, the Mission will make recommendations on anti-piracy measures, also looking at the broader context of organized crimes and drug trafficking. Upon its completion, the Mission will submit a report to the UN Secretary General.

The Mission’s deployment was preceded by a much anticipated debate at the UN Security Council. Spearheaded by Nigeria’s presidency, the Council discussed the need for action against piracy and emerging transmaritime criminality in West Africa. Several representatives made statements during the debate, highlighting the increasing nature of the problem and its impact on international navigation as well as the economy and the overall security in the region. The Council unanimously stressed the need to develop lessons learned from the fight against piracy in East Africa and the Gulf of Aden and concurred on the need for a coordinated holistic approach to tackle the issue and its socio-economic roots before it escalates further.

Notably, West African states currently sitting in the Council called for strong international support and asked for a UN resolution to provide a region-wide legal framework for action. Remarking on the specific and novel features of piracy in the area, Gabon went as far as proposing the drafting and adoption of an international instrument against piracy.

Other states, however, ranked the situation in the Gulf of Guinea as of lesser severity to the situation in the Gulf of Aden and other coastal areas of East Africa. The United States, France and England, among others, stressed how the leadership in the fight against piracy should remain in the hands of the states directly concerned by this phenomenon, while the international community should focus on continuing or increasing technical assistance and capacity building already provided, particularly in the fields of information sharing and personnel training. France recently confirmed its support towards anti-piracy measures in the region with a donation of 1 million dollars to Ghana, Togo and Benin as part of a three years founding project.

The debate was followed by the Security Council unanimous approval of Resolution 2018 (2011) on the issue of piracy and organized crime in West Africa, developing on the main points of the discussion before the Council. Due to its significance with regard to piracy in West Africa, the resolution, interestingly falling under the rubric of “Peace and Security in Africa” will be further discussed in a forthcoming post. As a preliminary remark, it is worth noting that Resolution 2018 confirms Articles 100, 101 and 105 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea as setting out the applicable legal framework to counter piracy and armed robbery at sea and, further, notes that applicable international legal instruments already provide for the creation of criminal offences and prosecution of persons responsible for seizing or exercising control over a ship or fixed platform by force. The Security Council thus appears to resist to any call for updated or novel legislation to combat modern piracy although the current legal framework is arguable not suited to encompassing all forms of transmaritime criminality, including piracy, armed robbery at sea, and drug and arms smuggling at sea.

The Oil Spill: Nigeria’s Counter-Piracy Measures and their Effect on Neighboring Countries

The menace of piracy in present-day Nigeria derives from its coastal reserves, rich of oil and natural gas, particularly in the Niger Delta region. Environmental pollution and lack of local access to profits generated by the exploitation of natural resources rapidly added to the Niger Delta’s long struggle for greater autonomy. The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta became an umbrella for locally-based militant groups taking up arms for social, economic and political independence.

From 2006, rebels increasingly attacked vessels and oil platforms in and around the Niger Delta, kidnapping foreign staff as well as stealing oil and damaging properties. The attacks quickly became a source of financial revenues. Over time, it became almost impossible to establish whether a piracy incident was politically or criminally motivated as the perpetrators often operated interchangeably.

Faced with the prospect of significant financial losses and local instability, the Nigerian Federal Government swiftly stepped up its response against pirate attacks, launching “Operation Restore Hope” and creating a military Joint Task Force to take strong, at times ruthless, action against piracy and maritime security threats. The government has also attempted to address the root causes behind piracy attacks, namely corruption and a lack of local economic development. For instance, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission  was tasked to address the motives behind recourse to piracy in the Niger Delta crisis, investigating and auditing state governors’ assets throughout Nigeria to combat government corruption.

Nigeria is today the largest African oil producer, with the current crisis in Libya requiring Nigeria to increase its output and revenues. Against this background, it is thus not surprising that this year marked increase in the number of piracy and armed robberies at sea attacks, witnessed an increased leadership and intervention by Nigerian naval authority with the support of important oil consumers, such as the US and France.

While not immediately characterized by political motives, the attacks are attributable to independent criminal gangs composed mainly of, and certainly led by, Nigerians. The amnesty granted in 2009 to the Niger Delta benefited the leadership rather than the middle or lower ranks insurgents and ensured a ready pool of potential recruits for criminal enterprises. Former Rebels have expressed discontent with the disarmament process and have threatened to take up arms again.

Nigeria is now largely in control of the security situation within its own maritime borders, having intensified its coastal navy patrols and counter intelligence. The main outcome of this security clampdown is, however, the worsening of piracy attacks in neighboring countries. This is particularly serious in Benin, which depends on its port in Cotonou for some 40 per cent of state revenues. The country has so far seen at least 20 piracy-related incidents compared to none last year, prompting a call for the UN to consider sending an international force to help police the Gulf of Guinea. During his address to the recent UN General Assembly, Benin’s Foreign Minister described his country’s own counter-piracy resources as “laughable.”

Nigeria and Benin therefore recently started joint naval patrols in an effort to curb soaring piracy attacks. The naval patrols, tagged “Operation Prosperity”, would last six months, involving Nigerian Navy ships and vessels from Benin, as well as resources from the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency.

Concerns, however, are rising that the pirate gangs could once again adapt and move their criminal activities further west. Togo and Ghana are already attempting to boost maritime security to address the threat. Are these countries next in seeing a spike in piracy and maritime robbery activities?